Friday, October 28, 2022

Has state Labor kept its transport promises?


Victorians go to the polls in less than a month. One factor that could shape voting decisions is whether the governing party (in this case Labor) has done what it said it would do. 

The previous two state governments this century certainly did not deliver on the expectations raised when they were elected with regards to public transport on almost any fair-minded assessment.  

For example Labor in 1999 presented a package that had trains on the wrapping, largely delivered buses but ended with renewed hopes for rail (while struggling to run what we had). Similar can be said for the Coalition government of 2010 which studied more than it built though it did improve operational performance and got the troubled Myki ticketing system running.

False expectations and financial blowouts (eg collapse of rail franchising, regional rail and myki) led to a big scaling back of what got done (if the government survived). That's not to say that good things  in transport didn't happen - they did. But significant time was wasted on side-issues (eg operator rebranding) while some new messes emerged (eg myki, falling rail reliability, growth management).

On the basis of what was promised in the election that got them to power versus what got delivered both governments' records cannot be regarded as entirely successful in the transport area. 

Public transport in 2014's Victorian Labor Platform

How does the almost 8 year old Andrews Labor government compare? The easiest way to form a judgement is to look at the Victorian Labor Platform 2014 to see what happened and what didn't. The section headed 'World Class Public Transport' takes a respectable 10 out of the 88 page manifesto. This section includes public, road, active and freight transport policies. 

Headline projects included removal of the '50 most deadly level crossings', starting work on the Metro rail tunnel and building the West Gate Distributor. The government has outperformed on the first, is delivering on the second and replaced the relatively low cost West Gate Distributor with the dearer West Gate Tunnel project.  

The platform committed to 'closely examine the status of the Mernda Rail Extension'. This lukewarm wording became a budget commitment in 2015 and completion in 2018. 

Buses get 1/2 a page while 'integrated transport planning' rates 1/6 page. The latter is concerned with integration on the major project scale, rather than the service scale. Thus weakness with regard to service planning has been with the Andrews government even before it took office.

The bus section is extremely general; one point reads "Improve the bus network to better connect Melbourne's North, South-East and West". However Melbourne Airport and growth areas were specifically mentioned, as was community involvement. Specific route-by-route measures appeared in a three page Labor's Plan for Victoria's Bus Network published on the website danielandrews.com.au . Reviewed later. 

Remaining with the 2014 Labor Platform, a short section proposes "better decision making". One point reads: "Take a long term, strategic and coordinated approach to transport planning and engage in meaningful consultation". Given the Auditor-General found that Victoria didn't have an integrated transport plan and transport experts saying that recent planning has largely been project-based this promise cannot be accepted as being fulfilled. Arguably failure here has less impact outside Very Earnest Infrastructure Planning Wonk Land than a promise being broken on an actual major project. 

Two other points read: "Enhance the consumer and workforce voice within Public Transport Victoria decision making" and "Establish a Ministerial consultative group including public transport users, network operators, the RACV, unions, industry and local government". Some of this is likely due to controversial (but mostly good) bus reforms under the Baillieu - Napthine government that Labor was under pressure to reverse with a feeling (and I believe a reality) that public consultation had been poor, especially for Transdev reforms (whose more radical round in 2015 got vetoed by the new Labor minister).  

Homesafe was the policy for what became the Night Network comprising all-night trains, trams and buses. This was fully delivered in 2016 with a further enhancement for buses in 2021. It was then fashionable to propose a mobile app for everything, but fortunately sense prevailed and the proposed stand-alone Homesafe app never happened. Politically the government gets full points here, though 24 hour weekend trains (especially) present opportunity costs that haven't been discussed as much as they could have been.  

The platform acknowledges that some level crossing removals need new stations to be built with scope to innovate design approaches including "better community use of spaces". This has been fulfilled, especially in areas where elevated rail was built, though not without controversy at the time. Other types of grade separation have been mixed with some trench rail projects still splitting communities at a human scale. 

Prudent financial management is mentioned several times with regards to tram or regional rail services being extended. This could be used as reasons to not proceed with them. In contrast the major projects are supported unequivocally no matter what.  The Andrews government has however extended V/Line services and reopened or rebuilt closed stations. Frequencies, particularly for Geelong and Ballarat, have also increased greatly, particularly off-peak weekdays. Labor can take credit for much of this, especially where this is associated with the Regional Rail Link which it instigated along with the later Ballarat Line Upgrade. 

Their record is weaker when it comes to management and operations for regional rail. V/Line has been beset by management instability including probity issues with CEO James "Sprinkles" Pinder sacked in 2020, the V/Line Board abolished and it changing from a state owned enterprise to a statutory authority (basically a shorter leash as the government couldn't trust them). V/Line has been unusually prominent in IBAC investigations. Am I the only one who still occasionally checks for when any Operation Esperance report will be out? 

The 2014 Labor platform says in relation to V/Line: "In the last three years these rail lines have been beset with problems: punctuality, reliability, price, travel times and cancellations. By any measure, regional rail services have deteriorated.". Amongst other things, Labor promised to "restore confidence in V/Line" and "Improve service frequency, reliability and punctuality". 

How are things eight years later? You can give them wins on frequency. But V/Line cancelled over 4% of trains in the last twelve months versus 2% for Metro. Furthermore the long-term (20 year) trend has been one of deterioration with routine poor delivery (dotted line) seemingly locked in since about 2018.

The operational performance hopes raised in 2014 have been realised in neither Labor's first nor second terms. Growth has made V/Line performance as much an outer suburban as regional issue. Whoever wins next month will need to be especially vigilant to ensure that V/Line can be relied on to play its part in the smooth running of the largely regionally-based 2026 Commonwealth Games and not embarrass the state. 


A couple of paragraphs are about an equitable transport system. Topics touched on here include DDA accessibility for public transport and the suitability of regulatory frameworks to enable this (notably for taxis). It's fair to say that progress has been limited relative to what is needed with a critical auditor general's report coming out in 2020.

A criticism of the platform is that equity has been narrowly defined. I'd prefer a wider definition  of equity including class since so much of how we now run the network (notably priorities on routes, service hours and frequency) short-changes the less well off despite fixes being affordable. Service equity is a real issue because those who most need improved services are concentrated in taken-for-granted politically safe seats. These include service starved and often low-income neighbourhoods in suburbs like Glenroy, Campbellfield, Thomastown, Springvale, Noble Park North, Doveton and Dandenong North. More discussion on these issues here.

Summary

Large parts of Labor's 2014 platform has been delivered or is close to delivery, especially with regards to the major infrastructure projects. On this the Andrews government can claim greater success than either its 1999 Labor or 2010 Coalition predecessors (*). However it could have done better in smaller infrastructure, planning, service level and operational performance related areas. While the big emphasis of 2022's campaign may well not be transport, it is important that what attention transport does get is oriented to address these shortcomings, some of which are now chronic.  


(*) The Andrew's government's ambition with projects is partly attributable to prevailing economic conditions and policy fashion including low interest rates and a more permissive post-GFC financial environment in which even federal governments on the right accepted borrowing (despite the same people opposing the Rudd government's stimulatory GFC response). At the state level there was also renewed public appetite for big projects after the perceived stasis of the Baillieu-Napthine era and the success of the Regional Rail Link (which soon filled with outer-suburban passengers).

This political environment is different to that 15 - 20 years earlier. Like all centre-left governments that time (including Tony Blair's in the UK) the Bracks-Brumby government had to be seen as financially prudent and business-friendly with memories of the Cain-Kirner period still fresh in 1999. One consequence of sustained parsimony was an under-investment that left a public transport network unprepared for the high patronage growth that ensued from about 2003. This may have been exacerbated by excessive faith in rail franchising as exemplified (in the public's mind) by Lynne Kosky's famous quote about not wanting to run a train system. 
 


Labor's Plan for Victoria's Bus Network

The abovementioned platform left the detailed proposals for bus improvements to a three-page document called Labor's plan for Victoria's Bus Network. This had a headline commitment of $100m (presumably over 4 years). Key themes included: 

* Improved services to education with extra University shuttles and a Huntingdale Bus interchange

* Specific bus network upgrades in outer areas like Cranbourne and Epping North and major regional cities. These are provided, shopping-list style, with upgrades or extensions for existing local routes. It presents as a grab-bag of local catch-up bus initiatives, nearly all of which have some merit. However there are no transformative network-shaping changes such as upgrading all routes to 7 day service or a wholesale strengthening of main road routes. 

* Revisiting the Brumby government's bus reviews (as many recommendations remained outstanding) and evaluating the SmartBus network for improvement and expansion (Then operator Transdev had their own ideas for this which Labor rejected in 2015)  

* Wider public and stakeholder consultation when network reforms were proposed (as there had been disquiet over some of the reforms that were implemented under the 2010-2014 government) 

Now I'll go through the plan, point by point, with comments added. 

Above focused on improving services to universities, mostly in the form of dedicated shuttles from a nearby station. It was fully delivered. The Huntingdale interchange and La Trobe Shuttle (301 every 10 min) can be considered successful projects.

The Deakin Shuttle was also delivered but only as half a service with opportunities to do better by reforming other routes overlooked. Whereas Box Hill trains typically ran every 15 minutes (with Belgrave and Lilydales half-hourly) the 201 shuttle operated at an incompatible 20 minute frequency, meaning it lacked the turn-up-and-go allure of other shuttles like 301, 401 and 601 that ran every 4 - 10 minutes. Wasting money and adding confusion was the continuation of the older duplicative 768 Box Hill - Deakin shuttle every 40 minutes that did not get removed when the new 201 started (background here). After 7 years things are looking up with the 2022 state budget funding further improved buses for Deakin including a simpler and more frequent consolidated Deakin shuttle.  

Below are specific route-level upgrades promised for Melbourne. 


From what I can tell there is a good record of achievement against the promises made. Many are in particular areas. For example the Cranbourne changes were implemented as part of the new 2016 Cranbourne network. The modestly listed 'more services to support the Regional Rail Link' turned out to be radical reformed networks in Geelong and Wyndham. Planning for these had been finalised before the change of government. Epping/Wollert was another large change with three new routes replacing one existing route. 

The focus is overwhelmingly on 'coverage' type routes, typically operating every 40 - 60 minutes. The main exception was the direct Elsternwick - Clifton Hill route (246) which gained weekend boosts including a 15 minute Sunday frequency. Some of the new Geelong and Wyndham routes also operate at higher frequencies. 

The list contains some good initiatives. However inclusion does not mean that these are the most meritorious bus upgrades if measured by criteria such as the number of people who would gain or social equity benefits. At least some items are there due to political pressure.

The most well-known was a pledge to reinstate the deleted Route 509 bus along Hope St, Brunswick. This was honoured but in a different form; neither the original nor the replacement 509 serves Moreland Station, but my recollection was that the revised route adopted happened after public consultation on options so you can excuse them here. The new 509 is also a longer but less frequent service than the original. 

Areas like Diamond Creek have got a lot of bus routes added in the last few years even though the demographics and usage patterns make the case for service upgrades far weaker than in denser or higher social needs areas like Epping North, Dandenong or even 7-day service in parts of Mernda served by the weekday-only 389. The seeds of this were sown in this policy which was dutifully implemented by the Department of Transport. Buses in Melbourne tend to be a set-and-forget affair, with poorly used routes operating for years (if not decades) before DoT wises up and thinks about how resources could be better used for wider community benefit. 

To summarise, most of Labor's 2014 bus service promises had at least some merit, some were excellent and all got implemented.

Not all would have been the highest priority yet they happened. You could shrug your shoulders and say "that's politics!". But one should always be mindful of opportunity costs borne by those who deserve more buses on all objective measures. For example the sparse service as endured by the bus riders of Princes Hwy Harrisfield (Mulgrave) who have, to date, got exactly zero return from dutifully writing 1 in the box marked Andrews for two decades.  

The third and final part of the plan is wider and more general bus network upgrades. Unlike the specific route initiatives that all happened, there's a lot of crosses here. Some are not quite yes and no questions so people may disagree on some judgements. Nevertheless too little was achieved to award Labor a pass here. The responsible minister was Jacinta Allan, and, after 2018, Melissa Horne. I'll run through the more significant examples below: 


Progress with connectivity has been slow. In 2022 high numbers of bus routes remain at frequencies like 22, 24, 30 or 45 minutes that are unable to mesh with trains operating (say) every 20 minutes. It is common in areas like Reservoir for the vast majority of buses to operate at such frequencies incompatible with consistent train connections. These meet trains at new multi-million dollar rebuilt grade-separated stations but their routes are as archaic as ever, being confusing, indirect, uncoordinated and still sometimes finishing midday Saturday.  

The reduced pace of bus network reform under Labor (especially after about 2015-6) has also meant near-stagnation when it comes to harmonising frequencies with trains. Significant hope exists in 2022 though, with north and north-east metropolitan area bus reform reviews including regions where services are poorly harmonised and have multi-decade backlogs in bus network reform. Better late than never! 

The local bus service reviews done around 2006 - 2010 contains a large body of recommendations. Some good, others debatable. With some minor exceptions they have been ignored under the Andrews government. The comment about the Liberals was unfair with them initiating some successful bus reforms including Point Cook in 2013, Brimbank in 2014 and some lower-profile improvements.

As infrastructure was ramping up under Labor, service reform was ramping down. Hence the 2015 reformed Wyndham and Geelong networks (developed under the Liberals) got through but the 2015 Transdev Greenfields was abandoned. A major Metro Trains timetable reform that would have simplified services was also jettisoned.

The loss in momentum was so marked that I described the post-2016 period as a 'second stupor' (the first being the 1990s and early 2000s). This lethargy continued until about 2020 with a fresh minister. A new bus plan, revived interest in train and bus service reform and worthwhile service upgrades all happened in 2021. Ambitious bus reform reviews were announced this year. While the government is better placed than it was three years ago, it is still well behind where it should be due to a 4 or 5 year neglect of service reform (and likely run-down in DoT delivery capabilities). 


The extent of SmartBus has remained frozen since its last routes started in 2010 despite Melbourne adding a million people since. Attempts to rethink the network died with the minister's rejection of Transdev's 2015 network and a promised more balanced network proposal failing to eventuate. As a result SmartBus remains dogged by long orbital routes that are under-serviced on some portions, excessively served on others and wastefully overlap other bus routes on others. There is also a widening west/east divide with the fast growing west having just one SmartBus route versus the east's ten.

Transdev Melbourne, the franchise operator inherited from the Liberals who ran all but two SmartBus routes, was having its own problems with buses being unreliable, dirty and unsafe. It had got the business with a cut-price bid. Apparent lax contract management on the part of PTV meant the public got a substandard service even though the auditor-general thought that the contract was value for money. Annual patronage for the three SmartBus orbitals (901, 902, 903) plunged from nearly 15 million in 2014-15 to 11.5 million on 2018-19, though near the end of their time Transdev had made some reliability and presentation improvements. 

Labor has made relatively minor service upgrades on some SmartBus routes. However given that a. SmartBus is Melbourne's top tier bus network, b. there have been no new routes in a time we've added a million people, c. service levels lag equivalent premium routes in Sydney, Brisbane and Perth, and d. the relatively low cost of particularly off-peak service upgrades, the government's record is still poor. To its credit though Labor chose a new incoming operator when the Transdev franchise expired. 

While they have their issues, transport networks in the main regional cities don't have the backlog that the confusing networks in Wodonga, Mildura and safe-seat parts of Melbourne have. Some new bus services have been added in growth areas, including Armstrong Creek. The 2015 Geelong network (planned under the Liberals but delivered under Labor) was a major uplift, especially with regards to network simplicity and off-peak frequency. Hence I've given this point a tick. 

This last section continues on the theme of consultative planning. I understand that a bus-oriented board member was added to PTV. However organisational reform later abolished PTV as a separate body with its own board. I've given efficiency a tick, though some might argue I've been soft. However we have seen a recent trial of 'rapid running' on some of our more frequent routes, as explained in the new Bus Plan.  

Where was the state opposition in all this? Regrettably they have been weak for much of the last eight years. They have let Labor off the hook despite clear shortcomings in areas like service that should have been great food for an opposition team good at retail politics. Neither have they used their ample free time mid-term to engage with transport groups to sharpen its critique and develop policy. The opposition's failure to do much of this preparatory work is possibly a reason, where despite issues people have with the current premier and government, so few are giving the opposition much chance of  significant seat gains.   


To summarise, Labor was strong on delivering on specific promises made. However, with no strong opposition to hold it to account, it was weaker in tackling longer term wider network issues such as the need for reform and developing the sort of high-amenity top-tier bus network that offers an economical and geographically wide supplement to trains and trams which can't go everywhere. This has had a real effect on services the public has received, making the network far less useful than it should be for their travel needs.  

2018 bus policies

You are probably thankful by now that I'll say much less about those than I've said about 2014. Basically it was a let-down. Neither Labor nor the Coalition presented substantive bus policies for the public's consideration in that year.

2018 marked Labor's peak obsession with Big Build transport infrastructure to the exclusion of all else. There were not even much in the way of pre-election sweeteners with new bus services added. This was unlike the case in 2010 and (on a smaller scale) in 2022. Also the Labor government had recently been in a dispute with private bus operators over contracts so might not have been disposed to fund more services at this time. 

The Coalition's shadow transport minister at the time was David Davis, a man sometimes effective at criticising Labor misdeeds but weak in the policy development sphere. Proof of this can be seen in the their $70m 2018 bus policy, comprising an election-eve media release with no specifics or sellable voter benefits. 

The Greens in 2018 presented substantial albeit lop-sided bus policies with a large SmartBus expansion and a massive network of frequent routes largely feeding La Trobe University. Even one of these would have made it the most ambitious party in the bus policy space in 2018.

Despite the heading I'll say a few words on infrastructure. Labor in 2018 announced a Caulfield - Rowville tram (April 2018), the Western Rail Plan, and most spectacularly, the Suburban Rail Loop. Despite its size and cost Labor has proceeded gung-ho on only the SRL while the Caulfield - Rowville tram has languished with only some planning work funded. Infrastructure Victoria is known to much prefer improved buses while a private group have been promoting 'Trackless Rapid Transit' with backing from the Eastern Transport Coalition. The business case for this received funding in the 2022 federal budget. The Western Rail Plan is mostly talked about in the context of Melbourne Airport Rail (announced in 2020) though in 2022 there have been announcements of new level crossing removals and larger V/Line trains instead of electrification for the foreseeable future.  

2022 public transport service and bus policies

We've heard from the parties on infrastructure with the Coalition also proposing fare cuts. But we don't don't yet have a lot of specific service policies. With the limitations of big transport infrastructure projects now apparent and a reduced appetite to fund them, it is in smaller infrastructure and service reform is where the most cost-effective improvements reside. The government itself has flagged a pivot in its talk of 'switching on the Big Build' while the Opposition has publicly mentioned the importance of frequency. Greens want to buy lots of buses but (unlike in 2018) seem weak on the routes they'd go on, with private electric motoring taking up more of their interest. 

I won't make grand projections for 2022 here except to say that I have spoken to more MPs and candidates about public transport services than possibly anyone else in the last few months. From these discussions my tentative view is that there is greater scope for optimism than in 2018, at least from the major parties. Time will tell if I'm right. 

If you have thoughts, disagreements, additions or predictions then feel welcome to use the comments box below! 

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